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January 7, 1987 
Federal Government 
in particular. 
Several 
years ago, it was estimated that an 8-cent-a- 
pack increase in taxes would lead to 1.8 mil- 
lion quitting or not starting to smoke. This 
would include over 400,000 teenagers, more 
than half a million young adults 20-25, and 
nearly half a million adults 26-35. 
The Federal cigarette excise tax rate has 
not kept pace with the increase in various 
economic indicators over the years. It has in- 
creased only twice during the post-World War 
ii period—from 7 cents per pack in 1950 to 8 
cents in 1951 and from 8 cents to 16 cents in 
1982. Federal tax as a percent of cigarette 
price—including tax-—declined 
from 42.2 to 
10.7 percent between 1947 and 1982 and is 
now at 16.6 percent, about the same level as 
1975. 
The price of a pack of cigarettes has in- 
creased in 1984 dollars from about 78 cents 
per pack in 1950 to about 96 cents per pack 
in 1984. Over the same period, the sum of av- 
erage State and Federal excise taxes in 1984 
dollars had declined from about 70 cents per 
pack to 30 cents per pack. 
Federal receipts from the cigarette excise 
tax increased in absolute terms from $1.2 bil- 
lion in fiscal year 1950 to $2.1 billion in fiscal 
year 1982. They declined as a share of total 
tax revenue from 3.2 to 0.4 percent, and de- 
clined as a share of GNP from 0.5 percent to 
less than 0.1 percent. As result of TEFRA, 
cigarette excise tax receipts increased to $4.7 
billion in fiscal year 1984. This represents 
about 0.7 percent of Federal tax revenues and 
slightly more than 0.1 percent of GNP. 
The Congressional Budget Office estimates 
that if the cigarette excise tax is raised from 
$0.16 to $0.32 per pack the revenue generat- 
ed would be $3.1 billion in 1987, $3.3 billion in 
1988, and $3.4 billion in 1989. If the tax were 
raised to $0.24 per pack, the new income to 
the Treasury would be $1.6 billion in 1987 and 
$1.7 billion in 1988 and 1989. 
The 100th Congress 
will make a major 
effort to improve the Medicare Program and to 
provide catastrophic health protection to the 
American 
people. The increased 
revenues 
from this excise tax can help pay for these 
new health initiatives, or it can be used, in 
whole or part, for deficit reduction and the 
avoidance of spending cuts on vital health 
programs. 
An increase in the cigarette excise tax is a 
user fee. it recovers for the public some of 
the costs to society of smoking-related dis- 
eases and fires. The administration has pro- 
posed many user fees over the last few years. 
| hope that they will support this proposal as 
one of the most socially useful user fees we 
can ever consider. 
By. \ U5 
THE COMPUTER SECURITY ACT 
OF 1987 
HON. JACK BROOKS 
OF TEXAS 
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
Tuesday, January 6, 1987 
Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, | want to com- 
mend Congressman GLICKMAN and the other 
members 
of the Science and Technology 
Commumittee for their sponsorship of the Com- 
puter Security Act of 1987. This legistation 
would authorize the National Bureau of Stand- 
ards {NBSj to establish a program to increase 
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks 
the awareness of computer security through- 
out the Federal Government. Under the bill, 
NBS would assess the vulnerability of Govern- 
ment computers and communications except 
for critical defense and intelligence systems. It 
would develop technical 
and management 
countermeasures 
to defend 
against 
illegal 
access to sensitive agency information and 
work with the private sector to apply these 
safeguards to their systems as well. 
Mr. Speaker, this bill is urgently needed. 
Current estimates from the Office of Technol- 
ogy Assessment indicate that over $60 billion 
is spent annually by Federal agencies to ac- 
quire, develop and use information technoio- 
gy. While computer technology has greatly in- 
creased the efficiency of Government pro- 
grams, it has also made agency records vul- 
nerable to widespread alteration, manipulation, 
or destruction by criminal or foreign elements. 
Despite this tremendous potential for abuse, 
most agencies have placed such a low priority 
on protecting 
their computer systems 
that 
even the most basic security measures do not 
exist. Over the years, the Government Oper- 
ations Committee has conducted extensive in- 
vestigations of computer and telecommunica- 
tions facilities of several major Federal agen- 
cies. In almost every case, computer security 
was lax and in some cases virtually nonexist- 
ent. 
In my view, the Computer Security Act will 
correct this problem by establishing a firm 
Statutory base to ensure that a viable govern- 
mentwide computer security program is imple- 
mented by Federal agencies. Unfortunately, 
DOD and other national security agencies do 
not share this view. These agencies believe 
they should have the final say over computer 
security standards for the Federal Govern- 
ment, not the National Bureau of Standards. 
They point out that under National Security 
Decision 
Directive [NSDD] 
145, DOD 
has 
been given this authority, including the right to 
restrict public access to not only classified in- 
formation, but aiso to any civilian agency infor- 
mation which 
it considers 
unclassified, 
but 
sensitive. 
This authority was expanded on October 29, 
1986, under a directive 
issued by Admiral 
Poindexter 
which 
further 
restricted 
public 
access to unclassified information. Coinciden- 
tally, the admiral’s directive specifically singled 
out unclassified information related to ‘‘foreign 
relations of the U.S. Government” as needing 
extra protection from public disclosure. 
It is my strong belief that NSDD 145 is one 
of the most ill advised and troublesome direc- 
tives ever issued by a President. It is an un- 
precedented expansion of the military’s influ- 
ence into our society which is unhealthy and 
potentially dangerous. Clearly, the basement 
of the White House and the corridors of the 
Pentagon are not places at which national 
policy 
should 
be 
established. 
This 
issue 
should be debated and fully aired in public 
hearings and 1 would hope the President 
would support our efforts to see this is done. 
In any case, | urge all Members to support the 
Computer Security Act as a much more sane 
and effective way to deal with the computer 
security problems facing our Government. 
E 59 
SCHOOL IMPROVEMENT ACT 
HON. AUGUSTUS F. HAWKINS 
‘OF CALIFORNIA 
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
Tuesday, January 6, 1987 
Mr. HAWKINS. Mr. Speaker, today | am in- 
troducing H.R. 5, the School Improvement 
Act of 1987. Congressman BILL GOODLING, as 
ranking Republican member of the Elementa- 
ry, Secondary 
and 
Vocational 
Educational 
Subcommittee, is joining me as cosponsor of 
this legislation. 
The bill is straight forward. It merely extends 
without amendment all the expiring Federal El- 
ementary and Secondary Education Programs 
until 1993. | have attached at the end of this 
Statement a list of all of the programs which 
expire and their current termination dates. 
We hope to use this bill as a legislative ve- 
hicle to comprehensively review these expiring 
programs, which include ail of the programs 
the Federal Government sponsors in elemen- 
tary and secondary education except for the 
education of the handicapped and high school 
vocational 
education 
programs. 
We would 
plan to deal with these programs in a compre- 
hensive legislative package in order to foster 
an orderly, coordinated approach to elementa- 
ry and secondary education at the Federal 
level. The iast time Congress comprehensively 
reviewed these programs was nearly 10 years 
ago in 1977-78. We believe that it is well past 
the time for us to again conduct such an over- 
view. 
As complements to H.R. 5, we expect to in- 
troduce several additional bills calling for sub- 
stantive changes in the programs extended by 
H.R. 5. For instance, today Mr. GOODLING and 
| will reintroduce the Effective Schools and 
Even Start Act, which the House of Repre- 
sentatives passed last year but which was not 
acted upon by the Senate. We hope to incor- 
porate the concepts of that bill into the chap- 
ter 2 program and other programs covered by 
H.R. 5. 
We also hope to introduce in a few weeks a 
bill proposing amendments to chapter 1 and 
other amendments to chapter 2. We would 
encourage other Members to introduce their 
own bills, amending the various expiring ele- 
mentary and secondary programs and propos- 
ing 
new 
approaches 
for 
improving 
our 
schools. 
The Committee on Education and Labor will 
conduct hearings on H.R. 5 and all related 
legislation in February and March of this year, 
and then we will begin to mark up legislation 
in early spring. We plan to fold all of our 
amendments 
affecting these programs 
into 
H.R. 5, as it will be reported from the Commit- 
tee on Education and Labor. 
Mr. Speaker, we know that the new Con- 
gress wants to improve the economic com- 
petitiveness of the United States. We believe 
that this bill has as much potential to achieve 
that task as any other piece of legislation 
being proposed this year. in other words, if we 
do not improve the educational ievel of our 
people, the enactment of every other piece of 
legislation will merely provide us with short- 
term benefits but no long-term gains to ad- 
dress this national emergency. We look for- 
ward to working with all of our colleagues on 
this proposal. 
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E 60 
The table of expiring programs covered by 
H.R. 5 follows: 
EXPIRING ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY 
EDUCATION PROGRAMS 
Following is a list of elementary and sec- 
ondary education programs and their expi- 
ration dates: 
Programs expiring at the end of fiscal 
year 1987 (September 30, 1987). 
Chapter 1, Education Consolidation and 
Improvement Act. 
Chapter 2, Education Consolidation and 
Improvement Act. 
Programs expiring at the end of fiscal 
year 1988 (September 30, 1988). 
Adult Education Act. 
Bilingual Education Act. 
Impact Aid. 
Education 
for 
Economic 
Security 
Act 
(math and science). 
Magnet Schools Assistance. 
Excellence in Education (small discretion- 
ary grants for experimental programs to im- 
prove educational quality). 
Programs expiring at the end of fiscal 
year 1989 (September 30, 1989). 
Emergency 
Immigrant 
Education 
(for 
school 
districts impacted with immigrant 
and alien children). 
Indian Education. 
Women’s Educational Equity Act (small 
discretionary projects to promote equity in 
education). 
Ellender Fellowship Program (fellowships 
for poor students to attend the Close Up 
Program on the Federal government). 
General Assistance for the Virgin Islands 
and Territorial Teacher Training (two spe- 
cial territorial programs). 
All of these programs are subject to the 
automatic extension provision in the Gener- 
al Education Provisions Act. This provision 
permits forward-funded programs to be con- 
sidered for two additional years, and cur- 
rent-funded programs to be considered ex- 
tended for one additional year, even if a re- 
authorization 
bill has not been enacted. 
This enables the Congress to make appro- 
priations for the upcoming year for a pro- 
gram that has not been reauthorized yet. 
BILL TO EXTEND TERMS FOR 
U.S. REPRESENTATIVES 
HON. RICHARD J. DURBIN 
OF ILLINOIS 
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
Tuesday, January 6, 1987 
Mr. OURBIN. Mr. Speaker, today | am intro- 
ducing 
legislation 
designed 
to extend 
the 
length of term for U.S. Representatives. My 
proposal, 
requiring a constitutional 
amend- 
ment, would allow Representatives to serve 
two 4-year terms and one 2-year term in every 
10-year period following reapportionment. This 
legislation will help to ease compaign pres- 
sures somewhat and enable us to become 
more effective legislators. 
There are many benefits to extending the 
term for U.S. Representatives. First, it will at 
least partially liberate Members from a con- 
stant preoccupation with campaigning, thereby 
giving us a greater opportunity to legislate ef- 
fectively and to better represent our constitu- 
encies. Second, it will help moderate the spi- 
raling cost of campaigning. In just under 700 
days we will be facing another election and 
another effort to raise several hundred thou- 
sand dollars to win. If you spend the average 
amount that a Congressman must spend to 
be reelected, you will have to raise about 
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — Extensions of Remarks 
$500 a day for each of those 700 days to 
defend your incumbency. And finally, it will 
reduce the number of political campaigns, pro- 
viding voters with a welcome respite from 
campaign rhetoric. 
Over 20 years ago President Lyndon John- 
son suggested that it was time to take a look 
at the 2-year term that Members of Congress 
face under the Constitution. At the time, his 
idea floundered for several reasons. Primarily, 
Members of the Senate were loath to support 
a change in the Constitution which would give 
Members of the House a chance to run for 
the Senate without sacrificing their seats. The 
need to again consider change in this area is 
clear. 
; 
The legislation | am introducing today to 
extend the length of terms would provide that 
all House seats would be contested in years 
of reapportionment. 
After the election, the 
House would divide its seats, by lot, into two 
equal groups. Seats in the first group would 
be contested 
in two years, and thereafter 
every four years until the next reapportion- 
ment. Seats in the second group would be 
contested in 4 years, 4 years after that, and 
then in 2 years, until the next reapportion- 
ment. There would be no limit on the number 
of terms a Member could serve, although he 
or she would be required to resign in order to 
file and run for the Senate, thus removing one 
of the earlier obstactes in the path of this leg- 
islation. 
For each Member 
it would mean 
standing three times for reelection between 
reapportionments, rather than five times. 
Some Members are hesitant to change the 
Constitution, but a review of the proceedings 
of the Constitutional 
Convention 
makes 
it 
clear that the reason for 2-year terms was to 
guarantee that Members of Congress kept in 
close touch 
with their constituencies. The 
travel and communications potential available 
to Members today is considerably different 
than it was 200 years ago. Most of us can 
return to our districts in only a few hours and 
the incumbent who ignores his constituency 
can seldom survive. 
In addition, 
some’ Members have advised 
me that they are afraid their constituents will 
view this kind of change as self-aggrandize- 
ment. 
| disagree 
with 
this conclusion. 
In 
scores of town meetings across my marginal, 
conservative district | find that my voters are 
sated with political campaigns. They would not 
miss the opportunity to see my face on televi- 
sion every other October. Many volunteer that 
frequent elections seem wasteful and unnec- 
essary. 
As we embark on the 100th Congress and 
the bicentennial celebration of our great Con- 
stitution, | believe we should seize the oppor- 
tunity to look anew at the House of Repre- 
sentatives. | urge my colleagues to join me in 
cosponsoring this timely and necessary con- 
gressional reform. 
; 
REDRESS FOR JAPANESE 
AMERICANS 
HON. ROBERT T. MATSUI 
OF CALIFORNIA 
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
Tuesday, January 6, 1987 
Mr. MATSUI. Mr. Speaker, it is with great 
pride that NoRM MINETA and | join our es- 
teemed majority leader Tom FOLey and a great 
January 7, 1987 
number of our distinguished colleagues in in- 
troducing the Civil Liberties Act of 1987. Thit 
legislation addresses an issue of fundamental 
importance to our system of constitutional tib- 
erty. 
: 
This bill, which will be number H.R. 442, is 
designed to specifically implement the findings 
and recommendations of the Commission on 
Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civil- 
ians. H.R. 442, is nearly identical in substance 
to the bill introduced in the 99th Congress. 
The number assigned to the bill has been 
chosen in order to honor the famous 442d 
Regimental Combat Team of World War Il 
This entirely Japanese American military unit 
of the Second World War fought in some of 
the fiercest and bloodiest campaigns of the 
European Theater. 
it was the most 
highly 
decorated unit of its size in the military history 
of the United States. During 5 major cam- 
paigns, the soldiers in this unit earned over 
18,000 decorations and were awarded more 
than 9,000 Purple Hearts. It is fitting that this 
historic legislation should be designated in 
honor of these fine men. 
President 
Reagan 
has said 
that a true 
American patriot is one who cherishes our Na- 
tion’s ideals and strives to narrow the gap be- 
tween those ideals and reality. We have an 
opportunity to narrow that gap and restore our 
constitutional system to its proper balance. By 
passing H.R. 442, we can at last provide re- 
dress to those Americans of Japanese ances- 
try who were deprived of their basic constitu- 
tional rights during World War II. 
; 
On February 19, 1942, the President of the 
United States signed Executive Order 9066. It 
was the first step in a personal odyssey in 
which my citizenship and my parents’ citizen- 
ship suddenly meant nothing. The exclusion 
and detention order recognized ancestry and 
only ancestry. Our loyalty to the United States 
was measured by whether we had one-six- 
teenth or more Japanese blood. 
American citizens of Japanese ancestry and 
resident 
aliens were prohibited from 
living, 
working, or traveling on the west coast. We 
were removed to temporary assembly centers, 
mostly stables, race tracks, and fairgrounds. 
Then on to relocation camps in bleak, deso- 
late areas where conditions ranged from toler- 
able to deplorable. 
The first camp was opened in May 1942. 
My parents have told me about the barbed 
wire fences and sentry dogs, of loss of privacy 
and lack of adequate sanitation. They have re- 
lated stories of the emotional distress created 
by the camp environment 
and the heart- 
wrenching divisions that occurred as families 
were separated by physical distance. 
No one, not even our keepers, knew when 
we would be free to return to our homes. The 
indeterminate sentence for a crime we did not 
commit became a quiet form of torture. We 
were rendered helpless in our own homeland. 
The rationale of these actions was national 
security. But the order was promulgated re- 
gardiess of the fact that no documented 
cases of disloyalty by Japanese Americans 
existed and none have subsequently arisen. 
My parents 
were 
proud 
citizens 
of the 
United States—a country they had known to 
be just and ruled by a reasoned constitutional 
law. But the exclusion order resulted in the 
circumvention 
of basic 
procedural 
rights. 
Seven of the ten provisions of the Bill of 
Rights were ignored. There was no review of 
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